During recent Reform UK press conferences, a pair of notable figures can often be spotted in the front row: the pale hair of party policy chief Danny Kruger and the styled blond hair of senior adviser James Orr.
Beyond shaping the policy programme for what could be the UK’s next government, the pair share another trait in common. Both are deeply committed Christian who found religion in later life, and possess trenchant views on social issues such as reproductive rights and the family.
The MP Kruger, who defected from the Conservatives, and Orr, a university scholar, are members of the steering committee of a rightwing thinktank called the Alliance for Responsible Citizenship.
A further participant is Paul Marshall, the investment tycoon who owns GB News and the rightwing Spectator magazine. Marshall is a practising Christian.
“Religion, specifically evangelical Christianity, has in recent decades been one of the defining elements of US rightwing politics,” with its adherents forming the bedrock of a particular political support.
Parallels do exist. Orr is sufficiently close to JD Vance that he has hosted him at his private residence. Orr is also involved in the National Conservatism movement, which has connections to the American faith-based populist world.
However, direct comparisons quickly break down due to a simple matter of numbers. While polling shows that nearly a fourth of US adults are evangelicals, the proportion for the UK is about a tenth of that at the very most.
An additional important factor to take into account. While US evangelicals tilt strongly to the political right, recent surveys by the UK’s Evangelical Alliance suggests that the wider picture in Britain is markedly distinct.
A poll of nearly 1,500 evangelicals shows the Labour Party in the first place with 26% support. The Reform party and Liberal Democrats are tied on 20%, with the Conservatives on 18%.
Other questions demonstrate backing from evangelicals for more generous welfare payments, but also concerted alarm about plans to legalise assisted dying.
“Sometimes with evangelicals there can be a gap between opinions, especially on social issues, and how people cast their ballot,” said one advocacy head. “As an instance, someone might have a firm stance on abortion, but they do not view voting as a way to lead to change.”
Evangelical belief does exist in parliament, including cross-party prayer group meetings. But it is a reality present on the political left, with figures like Kruger countered by Tim Farron and the Labour Party Member of Parliament Rachael Maskell.
She has been very open about how her beliefs shapes her politics, notably on issues such as poverty.
“Ethical fairness was ‘a big part’ of the party's ethos,” she stated. “It stems from our roots, how we think about inequality in society, making sure we have a fair framework.”
Nonetheless, there exists a distinct and more recent side to religion in UK politics, one more closely modelled on American ideas of religious nationalism.
The activist Tommy Robinson has started to portray himself as openly a Christian, although much of this is done as a contrast to Islam.
In a similar vein, Nick Tenconi, who leads the UK outpost of the Turning Point group, posts social media messaging about the country needing to “re-embrace Christianity” combined with anti-Muslim content.
One striking manifestation of this, a Turning Point-allied Christian nationalist group named King’s Army marched in formation through Soho, a location apparently selected as it is the heart of London’s LGBT community.
These elements remain, however, fairly niche in UK politics. While critics sometimes portray certain figures as financial backers of American-style religious politics, friends insist they are simply devout believers who are strongly opposed to any politicisation of faith.
He has been not shy of sometimes unconventional language, for example in an address to condemn what he said was a younger generation influenced by a blend of ideologies.
“Here in Britain you do have some Christian nationalists, but when it comes to politics it more often be a sort of longing for a Christian past, linked to our historic identity,” noted an analyst.
A parliamentarian of faith with conservative views noted that while the issue of assisted dying had helped bring together MPs with faith, any connections beyond that felt restricted.
“I do not get the sense of much of an organized faith-based lobby,” they commented. “In my view, my faith is more a foundation for what I already believe. And here, religion is not really a decisive electoral issue.”
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